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Happy National Standing on the Side of Love Day!

It was a grand experiment: 30 Days of Love. And we have arrived!
Starting with Martin Luther King, Jr. Day, we embarked on a journey to discover our Story of Self, Story of Us, and Story of Now. Today — National Standing on the Side of Love Day, where we re-imagine Valentine’s Day as a social justice holiday of love and acceptance for all people – we are taking action for equality across the country. Stay tuned later this week to see all the ways in which we honored courageous love, examined our stories of us and now, and engaged in public witness.
On behalf of all of us at the Standing on the Side of Love Campaign, please accept a hearty Thank You!

(via Day 30: Happy National Standing on the Side of Love Day « Standing On The Side Of Love)

Happy National Standing on the Side of Love Day!

It was a grand experiment: 30 Days of Love. And we have arrived!

Starting with Martin Luther King, Jr. Day, we embarked on a journey to discover our Story of Self, Story of Us, and Story of Now. Today — National Standing on the Side of Love Day, where we re-imagine Valentine’s Day as a social justice holiday of love and acceptance for all people – we are taking action for equality across the country. Stay tuned later this week to see all the ways in which we honored courageous love, examined our stories of us and now, and engaged in public witness.

On behalf of all of us at the Standing on the Side of Love Campaign, please accept a hearty Thank You!

(via Day 30: Happy National Standing on the Side of Love Day « Standing On The Side Of Love)



 



Welcome to THIRTY DAYS OF LOVE, beginning Martin Luther King, Jr. Day and culminating with Valentine’s Day! THIRTY DAYS OF LOVE is a collective visioning process about making sense of the present moment, and what we are called to do. We aim to accomplish this through self-reflection, active listening, sharing personal and community stories, and celebrating our lives and our heroes for their courageous love.
THIRTY DAYS OF LOVE offers daily, direct actions for love, and the calendar is a template to guide you through a meaningful THIRTY DAYS. But your participation is envisioned as a process, not an event.
While there is great power in collective action, the beauty of Standing on the Side of Love is its “open source” spirit, so bring your own ideas, actions, and traditions with you for this journey.

(via National Standing on the Side of Love Month: The Story of Us, The Story of Now « Standing On The Side Of Love)
Stand for the “Beloved Community.”
Speaking of love, I love being a UU.

Welcome to THIRTY DAYS OF LOVE, beginning Martin Luther King, Jr. Day and culminating with Valentine’s Day! THIRTY DAYS OF LOVE is a collective visioning process about making sense of the present moment, and what we are called to do. We aim to accomplish this through self-reflection, active listening, sharing personal and community stories, and celebrating our lives and our heroes for their courageous love.

THIRTY DAYS OF LOVE offers daily, direct actions for love, and the calendar is a template to guide you through a meaningful THIRTY DAYS. But your participation is envisioned as a process, not an event.

While there is great power in collective action, the beauty of Standing on the Side of Love is its “open source” spirit, so bring your own ideas, actions, and traditions with you for this journey.

(via National Standing on the Side of Love Month: The Story of Us, The Story of Now « Standing On The Side Of Love)

Stand for the “Beloved Community.”

Speaking of love, I love being a UU.



 


In a major turnaround on immigration enforcement, Governor Deval Patrick said today that he will refuse to sign the controversial federal Secure Communities program, which refers illegal immigrants arrested even for minor crimes to federal immigration officials for deportation.

The refusal sets up a showdown with the federal government over a key initiative on illegal immigration, and follows states such as Illinois and New York refusing to sign on to the program. In a letter dated Friday, Public Safety Secretary Mary E. Heffernan said the state was concerned that the program, which refers criminals based on fingerprints, is creating fear in the immigrant community and is netting more non-criminals, such as those caught driving without a license, than hard-core offenders.

Maria Sacchetti and Noah Bierman, Globe Staff
June 6, 2011 11:33 AM

Patrick says he won’t sign Secure Communities program



 


My ancestors just showed up at Ellis Island. How about yours? Plymouth Rock? And your point would be…?

Tip ‘o’ the hat to Standing on the Side of Love.

[excerpt from “They Take Our Jobs!” and 20 Other Myths About Immigration by Aviva Chomsky]

What the people (generally of European origin) who point to “the rules” ignore, moreover, is that when their parents and grandparents came to the United States, they in fact did exactly what so-called “illegal” immigrants are doing today. They decided to make the journey, and they made it. All they had to do was get together the boat fare. The rules were different then. U.S. law explicitly limited citizenship and naturalization to white people. Nonwhites, however, were denied both entry and citizenship. Through a complex process of omission and commission, the law dictated open immigration for white people and restricted immigration for people of color. Immigration and naturalization law created, in the words of Aristide Zolberg, “a nation by design.”

book cover for They Take Our JobsBetween 1880 and World War I, about 25 million Europeans immigrated to the United States. They did not have visas or passports. A very small number of them—about 1 percent—were turned back at Ellis Island because they were deemed to be criminals, prostitutes, diseased, anarchists, or paupers. There were no illegal immigrants from Europe because there was no law making immigration illegal for Europeans.

It wasn’t until 1924 that numerical restrictions were placed on white European immigration, creating a situation in some ways similar to today’s, in which would-be immigrants had to compete, before they left home, for the few available visas to come to the United States. The restrictions placed on Europeans, though, pale in the face of those that the 1924 legislation placed on non-Europeans: as “aliens ineligible to citizenship” because they belonged to the “colored races,” they were excluded altogether. Although the 1924 quotas did not apply to the Western Hemisphere— Congress couldn’t figure out what “race” Mexicans actually belonged to—the legislation also invented the concept of the “illegal immigrant” and created the Border Patrol to keep Mexicans out. (I describe these restrictions in more detail in the section on immigration and race in my book.)

The last major immigration reform, in 1965, finally removed the racially defined quota system, and replaced it with a uniform quota system for all countries. But the new laws of 1965 were only one factor leading to the huge increase in immigration from Latin America and Asia.

Even more important has been the acceleration of what we now call “globalization.” Today’s globalization builds on structures developed during the centuries of colonialism that preceded it. One aspect of globalization in the second half of the twentieth century has been a huge population movement from the former colonies into the lands of their former colonial masters. In order to comprehend this global phenomenon, we have to look at the socioeconomic and cultural legacy of colonialism.

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